Share Your Experience

Minnesota family history traced to the Holocaust during summer 2011 trip to Poland.

Elyse Rabinowitz

Elyse Rabinowitz

(Resident of Minneapolis, non-profit consultant, volunteer and parent engaged in Jewish life)

This past July, I was one of a group of forty North Americans and Israelis on an educational tour of Poland.  We traced many pathways in one of the most prolific Jewish communities in history, which on the eve of World War II, numbered three and a half million Jews.  This kind of program is not unique – indeed its importance has grown as thousands of Jews make a similar journey year-in, year-out, including Beth Jacob teenage congregants on Ramah Seminar, USY Pilgrimage and other Jewish teen trips.  Our journey through Poland led us to discover the core of this rich center of Jewish life, to behold the grounds of its destruction and to honor the spiritual, physical and redemptive resistance of Jews and Righteous Gentiles alike.

Several years ago I heard a lecture by a curator from Yad Vashem, herself the child of survivors.  She proposed that our knowledge of the Holocaust must go beyond graphic numbers, for the ideologically motivated murder of one Jew – because he or she is a Jew – is a tragedy of great magnitude.  Nor can we only focus on how the Nazi’s bureaucratic machinery made the murder of millions of Jews possible.  Her call to action was to examine and recount Jewish memory – which is Judaism’s particular way of understanding history.  Figuratively speaking, she prompted us to fill in the color of black and white family photos; to build our understanding of the multi-layered world of European Jewry:  its synagogues, yeshivot and youth movements; the legacies of great sages, Yiddish writers, Zionist pioneers, learned and ordinary men and women.  Our task, she urged, is to illuminate lives lived, lives saved, and ultimately, lives lost.  It is in this spirit that I went to Poland.

Perhaps ironically, my search for lives lived in Poland began by going to a cemetery.  The Warsaw Jewish Cemetery is the resting place of over 250,000 Jewish souls dating back to 1806, including my maternal Great-great-great Grandfather Yisroel Yaacov Pomerantz, Great-great Grandfather Moshe Pomerantz, and Great Grandmother Chava Shafir Landau.   It was my good fortune to locate their gravesites, fulfilling part of my quest in going to Poland.

Family Tombstone 

To behold the names of my family’s progenitors on their matzevot—headstones was a touchstone moment, a time to proclaim he’neni, here am I, standing as a free Jew.  Most significantly, it was a tribute to seven generations of unbroken faith and devotion and to my Great Grandparents’ and Grandparents’ prophetic dream of a better life by making aliyah from Poland to Iowa and Minnesota in the early 1900’s.

From the Warsaw cemetery I travelled through Poland’s pastoral countryside to the town of Ticocyn, once known as the shtetl of Tiktin.  Seventy years ago, in August 1941, the 2,000 Jewish residents of Tiktin were assembled in the town’s market square for "relocation” and then marched and trucked by the Nazis into the nearby Lupochowo forest.  Save for only a few that escaped, the SS Einsatzkommando executed every Jewish resident of Tiktin before open pits, extinguishing 400 years of continuous Jewish life.

The Tiktin synagogue, originally built in 1642, is now a museum.  The aura of its sanctuary is without equal, as the tefillot we most commonly recite are painted in richly colorful calligraphy, surrounding us from floor to ceiling, wall to wall, and from above the aron kodesh and bima

synagogue

My sense of connection to this place is heightened by the fact that my paternal Grandfather, Jacob Rabinovitz, lived a part of his boyhood in Tiktin and my Great Grandfather, Rav Chaim Rabinovich, served as shocket in the Tiktin shtetl before he and his family made their way to Duluth.  Notwithstanding the power of imagination to fill the Tiktin shul with prayer and remembrance, it rings a deeply dissonant chord to be in a shtetl made judenrein – free of Jews.

And so it happened on my first morning in Poland, roughly a century after my Grandparents and Great Grandparents left for Ellis Island, I stood in the very places where they lived, worked, prayed and buried their family.  I did so with a debt of gratitude and the luxury of historical hindsight – for had they not left Poland their fate would have been sealed to encounter Nazi brutality with little to no chance of survival. 

Over 100 relatives in my maternal family genealogy did not share the freedom to immigrate to the U.S., nor pre-state Israel, or elsewhere, and were murdered at the hands of the Nazis:  among them my mother’s uncle, Ben Landau, a member of the French Jewish Resistance, who was arrested and deported from Paris in June 1942, and murdered in Auschwitz-Birkenau; and her first cousins, Yurik and Esther Winogren.  Yurik, a 21 year-old university student, was killed in the Warsaw Ghetto uprising.  Esther was a biochemist and worked as an assistant to Dr. Janusz Korczak in the Warsaw Ghetto children’s orphanage.  She was seized on the street in the first days of the liquidation of the ghetto.  After Korczak was unable to gain her release from a transport, he wrote the following in his diary:

“If she does not come back here now, we shall meet later somewhere else.  I’m absolutely sure she will serve others in the meantime in the same way as she used to distribute goodness and make herself useful here.”

In August 1942, at age 27, Esther Winogren was deported to Treblinka, where she was murdered in a gas chamber, as were Janusz Korczak, the children they cared for and 800,000 Polish Jews.

After destroying the core of Polish Jewry in four death camps – Treblinka, Sobibor, Belzec and Chelmno, the Nazis expanded their capacity for extermination of European Jewry at the Auschwitz camp, which sat at the nexus of a vast railway system coming from all corners of occupied Europe.  By 1943, Auschwitz II, known as Birkenau, had four state-of-the-art gas chambers and crematoria, killing over one million Jews from Poland and across the European continent.  Today, Birkenau is preserved in more or less the same state it was found at liberation in 1945.  Its barracks, latrines and processing site for prisoners’ personal affects still stand.  Its gas chambers and crematoria are in ruins, blown up by the Nazis as they retreated from advancing Soviet troops.  These ruins serve as a graphic reminder that Holocaust denial began during the Holocaust.

Gas Chamber Ruins

Seeing Treblinka, Majdanek, Auschwitz, Birkenau and mass graves in once serene forests offers no insight to the nature of evil required to murder children in front of parents and to gas and burn one, let alone millions.  Nor can I reconcile the silence of neighbors as Jews were stripped of their homes and dignity, marched and shipped to their death in plain view.  The magnitude of violation of a human being and humanity, b’tselem elohim, made in the image of God, remains well beyond comprehension.  And so by default – perhaps a latent call to end this demonic evil – my thoughts turned to questioning the actions – or inactions – of the Western world.

The Roosevelt administration remained virtually silent to the constant daily slaughter of Jews well after the tide of the war had shifted.  Their unresponsiveness continued after extermination camps were known to exist and operate, after the Allies possessed aerial photographs of Auschwitz and after the Nazis shifted their war effort from a military goal to expediting Jewish genocide.  Though petitioned to do so, FDR would not order bombing sorties, even as American pilots used Auschwitz chimneys as orientation points, when war materiel was ample and when other targets were bombed with near pin-point accuracy – only five miles away.  In my view, to the disgrace of the United States, her responsible officials refused, with the excuse that such a bombing was “impracticable” and “diversionary” from the war effort.

As we made our way through the once vibrant Jewish communities of Warsaw, Tiktin, Lublin, Tarnow and Krakow, we often explored Raul Hilberg’s framework of deception, dehumanization, concentration and destruction of Polish Jewry.  In his groundbreaking book, The Destruction of the European Jews, Hilberg identifies the Nazi genocide program as a system whereby each step in the process was more extreme and necessarily deceptive than the last:  first Jews were defined as enemies of the state, then boycotted and discriminated against, dehumanized, they had their property vandalized then expropriated, were moved into ghettos and, finally, were transported to their deaths.

Although contemporary methods differ, I cannot overlook that certain themes and patterns of anti-Semitic ideology reverberate – sounding all too familiar today: 

  • When prejudice is directed solely at the Jewish people, now demonized as intruders in their historic homeland.
  • When Iran, Hamas and Hezbollah un-categorically threaten genocide against the Jewish people.
  • When dehumanization has morphed into delegitimization of the Jewish state in diplomatic, academic, cultural and religious arenas, best illustrated by the pernicious Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.
  • When enemies surround Israel on nearly all sides and are actively committed to her demise, as demonstrated by unending terrorism and the firing of rockets from Gaza, now reaching deeper into Israel.
  • When Palestinian leadership, that is considered to be moderate, makes repeated statements in Arabic calling not for peaceful co-existence, but to make Palestine “judenrein.”
  • When the European Union appeases those who seek Israel’s isolation and destruction, which disturbingly, will be on display in the United Nations this coming week.

Unlike the period of the Shoah, these actions are hardly deceptive – the Israeli press and media organizations such as MEMRI (The Middle East Media Research Institute), the Israel Project and CAMERA consistently document such events.  However, I suspect we here in the Diaspora, myself included, can all too easily slip into complacency or maybe deceive ourselves, wishing it were not so.   Nevertheless, prejudice and murder of Jews – because they are Jews – is happening in our day.  Every death, every explosion, every missile is a calculated assault on the security and existential survival of Jews in Israel, the epicenter of Jewish life, our historic national homeland, the land inherited in Parashat Ki Tavo.

At the root of Torah, Jewish history and memory are intertwined.  Parashat Ki Tavo provides an essential example:  in each and every generation we are compelled to act, ke’ilu, as if, you and I were brought out of Egypt, brought into and given a land flowing with milk and honey.   On Chag Shauvuot, the Jewish people collectively, throughout history, stand at Sinai.   Each new year, we tell the master narrative of the Jewish people to renew our understanding and memory of the seminal events in our history as a nation, faith and people.

Collectively, the progression of generations after the Holocaust carries a unique responsibility and challenge.  Surely, only those who were present can bear witness, offer testimony and reconcile their fate.  We do not act ke’ilu, as if, we too, once stood in the Shoah.   And yet, there is a clear call to follow in their footsteps – whether by seeing Poland or by experiencing museums, literature and film illuminating Holocaust history and remembrance.  We’re obligated to give voice to the testimony and lives of Righteous Gentiles, survivors and those who’ve perished.  We’re obligated to impart the consequences of prejudice, intolerance and indifference to the Jewish world and world at large.  It is our duty to challenge prevailing patterns of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism.  It is our responsibility to convey memory and meaning from a once prolific home of Jewish life and from one of the darkest places ever known to Jewish and human experience.

On my last afternoon in Poland, as I approached the end of the Auschwitz museum, I scanned a wall cataloguing Nazi photographs of prisoners – dehumanizing mug shots – and I came across the photo of a young man, 16 years old, prisoner number 23104, wearing a striped uniform and shaved head, who survived in Auschwitz all of 29 days.   Yet, in an instant he became familiar to me, no longer the subject of a photo taken through a Nazi lens.  His name was Moshe Pomerantz, the very name of my Great-great Grandfather, whose headstone and memory I sought out five days earlier in the Warsaw Jewish Cemetery.  It is not possible to know if the pictured young Moshe Pomerantz and I are directly descended from the same michpacha Pomerantz.  I do know that he was a son, likely a brother, surely a friend.  And with certainty, I can say this Moshe Pomerantz and I are both part of Am Yisroel.   Zichrono livrecha, may his memory be for a blessing.

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Moshe Pomeranc (Pomerantz alt spelling)

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Atem Aleu

 

 

 

Former Sudanese Lost Boy shares his journey

In April 2007, CHGE organized an event where Atem Aleu was the main speaker. He discussed his past struggles as a refugee and his goal for the future as an artists and activist.
Atem Thuc Aleu is a southern Sudanese Artist, college student and activist. As a child he and children like him suffered the loss of parents, adult relatives and entire villages due to the ravages of war. These children fled by foot from the violence of their lands to Ethiopia and then eventually to refugee camps in Kenya. Atem’s goal is to convey the history of his people and his own experiences through his art. In order that we can learn from the genocide that the Southern Sudanese have endured, guaranteeing that it does not happen again.

“I want to show my new neighbors in United States what life was like in Africa. I want them to know about my culture. I think that you will know this when you see my paintings. I want people who see my work to know that I am other thing in addition to being a refugee. Sometimes, my history- the history of my people- has been sad. However, we cannot be known only by what has passed. We have to present and a whole future together, my travels to America and my life in Utah is one part of the story” articulated Mr. Aleu.

Darfur: Roots and Reason

By: Zaynab Aden

As with any society divided by race, within those divisions are sub-divisions, creating a hierarchy of inferiority. Many countries still follow the colonial blueprint of distinction and this colonial legacy, passed down from generation to generation manifest into conflicts such as Rwanda and Somalia to name a few. Darfur is no exception. Indeed, there is a palpable color consciousness in Sudan as well as other colonized countries- however; this color consciousness is only a small piece of a larger puzzle. Falling out of line with popular opinion, the conflict in Darfur is a multifaceted one and cannot be looked at through a monochromatic lens.

As a student of history, specifically African studies, I quickly realized the masses did not share my interest and hope for the continent. While Africa has been on the world stage for centuries, it has been in a supporting role and it never made the final credits.

To establish order and a sustainable peace in a country, the roots of the crisis are as important, if not more important than the most recent statistics.  This is evident in the way the legacies of colonialism gone unadressed, have manifested throughout Africa in diverse forms. So it is with this experience that I explore all this attention that the world, by way of Hollywood, has given to the oft-labeled genocide in Darfur. Although it is wonderful that such a large and influential mobilization exists, there are important elements missing from the dialogue that are essential for a just and sustainable peace. 

Darfur is a region in Southwest Sudan, roughly the size of Texas. The conflict in Darfur began in 2003, with intensified insurgency and counter-insurgency driven mutually by a power struggle within the political class and a divide between nomads and settled farmers. It is necessary to note that in Sudan, the labels ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ hold diverse meanings. Mahmood Mamdani, Herbert Lehman Professor of Government at Columbia University and a renowned authority on African History elaborates on this fact in his article entitled The Politics of Naming: Genocide, Civil War, and Insurgency,“There have been at least three meanings of ‘Arab’. Locally Arab was a pejorative reference to the lifestyle of the nomad as uncouth; regionally, it referred to someone whose primary language was Arabic. In this sense a group could become ‘Arab’ over time. The third meaning of ‘Arab’ was ‘privileged and exclusive’; it was the claim of the riverine political aristocracy who had ruled Sudan since independence, and who equated Arabisation with the spread of civilization and being Arab with descent.” It is this last definition that has won the favor of activists everywhere. It is a view that is genius in its simplicity and requires neither research nor critical thinking to adopt it.  

Moreover the label ‘African’ carried its own set of meanings in Sudan. For one, an ‘African’ was someone who spoke a language indigenous to Africa. For example, members of the Fur, Massalit, and Zaghawa tribes are considered Bantu, representing a group native to the land and speak languages other than Arabic.  The racial meaning came to take a strong hold in both the counter-insurgency and the insurgency in Darfur. Mamdani, for his part, observes that the characterization of the violence as simply ‘Arab’ against ‘African’ is a consequential effect of many campaigns advocating on behalf of Darfur. A conflict as complex as Darfur is worthy of solutions and discourse just as complex, giving voice to the years that led up to the current. These conflicts do not materialize overnight; the seeds for conflict in most African societies were sown long ago in the ‘Scramble for Africa” in which colonial powers carved up the continent amongst themselves for the oppression of many and the benefit of a select few. The ‘divide and conquer’ maxim through which colonists maintained their rule is alive and well in Africa. Colonial supremacy could not be maintained without strategic laws and institutions to sustain it. One such way was to favor one group over another over time creating a hierarchy of inferiority.  It is arguable then, that years of such conditions can set the tone for future tensions.

In this spirit, I hope that a multi-tiered solution can be found for the people of Darfur. One that addresses the immediate consequences of war and provides immediate safety for those directly affected, accountability for perpetrators, as well as a sustainable solution that will truly seek to prevent future tensions.

 

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